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Migration policies have been a highly contested issue in Hungary, with political actors playing a pivotal role in shaping public opinion. This study examines the discourse on migration in the 1,421 English-language speeches of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán from January 2014 to December 2023. The research aims to enhance the understanding of migration-related rhetoric in political communication by employing natural language processing and quantitative text analysis techniques. Grounded in a theoretical framework of political discourse and migration narratives, the study explores shifts in the relative frequency and temporal patterns of key migration-related terms. Specifically, it analyses the usage of the terms ‘refugee’, ‘immigrant’, ‘migrant’, ‘migration’ and ‘immigration’, comparing their prevalence in speeches delivered within Hungary and on the international stage. The findings reveal significant shifts in Orbán’s migration rhetoric – notably, a decline in the use of the words refugee and immigrant in favour of migrant (which was not commonly used before). These results provide empirical evidence of discursive changes over time, contributing to a broader understanding of how political leaders strategically adapt their language to influence public perception. By contextualising these linguistic trends within Hungary’s sociopolitical landscape and in relation to previous research on political communication, this study offers valuable insights into the evolving role of migration discourse in political rhetoric. The findings also serve as a methodological contribution to the study of political speech analysis through computational text analytics.

In 2015, immigration became a major source of concern (and perhaps fear) both for Hungary and Poland and for the EU at large. It then declined continuously until 2022, before starting to rise again in 2023. Concerning the fear of migration in relation to one’s own country, both the Hungarian and Polish trends deviated from the general pattern: while, in Hungary, the fear of immigration remained slightly more salient until 2018, in Poland, the fear of immigration was constantly (and, until 2022, significantly) below the EU average. However, like Hungary and other EU countries, it increased again in 2023. In this paper, we compare these 2 countries in terms of xenophobia using Ipsos data which have not yet been examined by others in this regard. We looked first at attitudes and then at behaviour (i.e. activism immediately after the Russian invasion of Ukraine and then 1 year later). We also examined the differences between the socio-demographic variables in both groups.

In this paper, we analyse the production, circulation and operation of narratives and the frames and themes of migration discourse through a case study in a bid to understand the role which the moral panic button (MPB) plays in creating simultaneous crisis- and fear-mongering campaigns against enemies (in our case, with the Soros phenomenon at the core) that are declared to be an existential threat to the ‘Nation’. We argue that the creation and fine-tuning of the MPB is a crucial aspect of building the Hungarian version of informational autocracy (IA), i.e., a non-democratic regime in which the capture of the media and professional control of information are the central elements of the de-democratisation process and of maintaining in executive power. 

The Hungarian government took an anti-immigrant and anti-refugee stance in 2015 and claims to have stuck to it ever since. However, in 2022, when many Ukrainians (including ethnic Hungarians) passed through Hungary after Russia started its invasion of Ukraine, the same government welcomed them. In this paper we illustrate how the Hungarian government’s approach shifted, without explicitly changing their main narrative but adding a new one to it: the aspect of deservingness. We also wanted to see the differences between the pro-government and the non-pro-government mediums. To illustrate this shift and the differences between the 2 platforms, we used qualitative methods: we analysed pro- and non-pro-government media during the 2015 and 2022 refugee crises and conducted expert interviews.

This paper examines the integration experiences of Kosovo Albanian migrants and their children in Germany and Switzerland, highlighting evolving perspectives across generations. Initially, many first-generation migrants considered their stay to be temporary, thus limiting engagement with integration opportunities. However, economic and political instability in Kosovo spurred family reunifications, reshaping migrants’ attitudes towards settling permanently. Drawing on 53 biographical interviews conducted between 2014 and 2016, this study reveals that first-generation migrants often faced challenges with language acquisition, employment, and social integration, which impacted on their sense of belonging. In contrast, their children, benefiting from educational opportunities and wider social networks, experienced a smoother integration process. Economic stability within families enabled this second generation to become bilingual, succeed academically and secure better employment, leading to a stronger attachment to the host society and labour markets. Despite their integration, these younger migrants retain a strong Kosovo Albanian identity and connection to their heritage, balancing personal independence with cultural belonging.

This article analyses how actors involved in migration infrastructure in Poland responded to the introduction of the Act of 12 March 2022 on Assistance to Citizens of Ukraine in Connection with the Armed Conflict on the Territory of the Country (referred to as the ‘Special Law’) and how Ukrainian migrants themselves interpreted its implications. Although this Act established new legal protection for forced migrants, its application revealed significant limitations, including ambiguous enforcement mechanisms. This resulted in operational uncertainty for implementing organisations. Organisations with existing connections to migration infrastructure and past refugee assistance experience were able to quickly understand the new requirements by using established networks. Meanwhile, migrant organisations and social-media platforms emerged as the most effective channels for communicating essential information to forced migrants. 

For more than 70 years, the 1951 Refugee Convention has provided a framework for assessing claims to international protection for those fleeing persecution, with the goal of seeking ‘permanent solutions’. Once found eligible, a grant of refugee protection generally opens a pathway to durable status in the country of refuge. Yet, in recent years, states – as well as those seeking protection – are turning less often to the legal framework set out by the Refugee Convention to respond to migration challenges and more to temporary forms of relief set forth in national laws and policies. This paper examines how the durable protections of the Refugee Convention have become less accessible to people seeking safety in the United States. It then argues that, in the shadow of declining access to the protection afforded by refugee and asylum law, temporary forms of protection – while long a part of US immigration law – were on the rise under the Biden administration. In particular it examines 4 country-specific humanitarian parole programmes, each of limited duration, that were created and operated by the US government between August 2021 and January 2025 for people from Afghanistan, Ukraine, Venezuela, Cuba, Haiti and Nicaragua. Before a change in political leadership led to their abrupt termination, over half a million people were granted temporary protection under these programmes, far outpacing grants of relief under the Refugee Convention and higher than the number of admissions through past humanitarian parole programmes operating over a similar time period. Grounded in an examination of these programmes, the paper proposes a framework for understanding the opportunities afforded and limitations posed by temporary protection programmes for those seeking safety, both in the United States and beyond.

Although the United Kingdom was the primary destination for Hungarian emigrants in the period following EU accession, since the second half of the 2010s there has been a considerable decline, while the number of Hungarian return migrants from the UK has been higher than ever. Using longitudinal administrative data spanning from 2010 to 2022, this paper investigates whether two historical events, namely the Brexit referendum and the COVID-19 pandemic, have contributed to the observed changes in migration trends and the structural shifts in the composition and patterns of migration that have resulted from them. The results show that the Brexit referendum has had a lasting negative impact on Hungarian emigration to the UK and has significantly encouraged the return of Hungarians. Meanwhile, the temporary shifts in Hungarian migration patterns towards EU Member States caused by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic are not similarly reflected in migration patterns towards the UK. The social base of the post-Brexit emigration gradually broadened. Nevertheless, when compared to EU destination countries, emigrants to the UK are characterised by a younger and more positively selected group in labour-market terms.

The Czech Republic provides international protection to a small number of individuals. This research aims to study the barriers that beneficiaries of international protection (BIPs) face in accessing higher education and to examine which policies affect the opportunities that are available to them. The findings are based on the experience of frontline workers. According to previous studies, most of these barriers are embedded in institutional policies, which may contribute to exclusion from higher education. The barriers which BIPs encounter in accessing higher education have not been investigated in the Czech Republic. This study’s findings reveal many barriers to access to higher education and a lack of supportive policies. In addition to problems like a lack of language proficiency, the recognition of previous education and financing, BIPs have mental-health issues and face a lack of societal cooperation. These barriers make it difficult for them to pursue higher education. Frontline workers acknowledge all these barriers and agree that no strategies are in place at the national level or at higher education institutions to assist in the higher education of BIPs. To improve access, the government, higher education institutions and local stakeholders need to take action.

This contribution analyses the ways in which interwar Yugoslavia addressed two different diasporas, one comprising the emigrants and the other encompassing the external kin of Slovenes and Croats living in the Italian region of Julian March/Venezia Giulia. In addition, it examines how, on the one hand, the emigrants who ‘returned’ and, on the other, the Julian March migrants who fled the region to settle in Yugoslavia, were integrated into the Yugoslav nation-building project. It suggests that Yugoslavia’s diaspora-building was importantly linked to overcoming internal divisions in a complex country and restoring political legitimacy. Furthermore, it argues that diaspora-building was more part of a discourse than carried out in earnest, since Yugoslavia, occupying an unfortunate position in the international system, was ill-equipped to provide emigrant care or serve the return migrants and Julian March immigrants.

This paper explores how young people from a peripheral area in Croatia combine their educational and migration plans concerning the desirability which they attach to the local, national and global environment. A survey research study involved high-school students from Vukovar-Srijem County in Croatia (N=681), with the intention of ascertaining where they would like to study and where to live after completing their secondary education. Cluster analysis identified 5 groups of students and a multinomial regression analysis showed that the perception of the local developmental potentials, the quality of life and the students’ value orientations significantly impact on their educational and life paths. The differences between young people who envisage their educational and migration paths leading them abroad and to other parts of Croatia and those who would like to stay in the local communities are particularly highlighted. Interviews with students confirmed that the differences between these groups indicate varying perceptions of the likelihood of developing a career in the local community, satisfaction with local higher-education possibilities and value differences that point to different preferred future lifestyles. The intention to stay in the local community is related to higher place attachment, traditionalism, and a lower preference for personal autonomy.

By drawing on semi-structured interviews with Lithuanian LGBTQ+ individuals who have relocated to various European countries, this study examines the emotional dimensions that influence both migration decisions and homemaking processes. Utilising the theoretical framework of ‘sticky emotions’ and ‘homemaking’, the article highlights how queer migrants navigate their old and new social environments and invest them with emotions. The findings indicate that migration motivations are often intertwined with personal, affective and emotional dimensions, rooted in resistance to Lithuania’s conservative and heteronormative environment. Additionally, the article underscores the homemaking processes in host countries, where queer migrants encounter diverse queer communities that allow them to express their sexualities more openly. By analysing queer migration narratives, this article contributes to discussions on queer mobility, emphasising the need for detailed ethnographic research on the lived experiences of queer migrants, particularly those from post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe.

What prompts people to leave a welfare state and return to a home country in war? This paper examines why Ukrainians who fled to Norway due to the war voluntarily returned home or moved elsewhere. Using an exploratory research design, the study investigates how characteristics of Norwegian society, emotional ties and networks influence these decisions. The article applies a framework of individual, structural and policy-related factors to show how conditions in both the home and the host country interact. Theories on transnationalism and belonging highlight how returnees and onward movers maintain their connections to Norway. The findings reveal that social obligations, such as caring for relatives and children’s well-being, often outweigh security concerns. Among structural factors, a ‘paradox of leaving’ emerges, where aspects of the welfare state, such as Norway’s healthcare system, can motivate departure due to cultural differences in medical treatment. Limited job opportunities also drive exit, compounded by public discourse reinforcing ‘limiting beliefs’ about employment prospects. Finally, the study highlights how many displaced Ukrainians adopt a transnational approach, maintaining multiple attachments that include Norway.